{"id":3513511,"date":"2025-06-06T09:20:42","date_gmt":"2025-06-06T09:20:42","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.resilience.org\/?p=3513511"},"modified":"2025-06-06T09:20:42","modified_gmt":"2025-06-06T09:20:42","slug":"root-and-branch","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.resilience.org\/stories\/2025-06-06\/root-and-branch\/","title":{"rendered":"Root and branch"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>I mentioned the new Root and Branch Collective \u2013 described\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/substack.com\/home\/post\/p-162958328\">here<\/a>\u00a0and\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/rootbranchcollective.cargo.site\/our-commitments\">here<\/a>\u00a0\u2013 in my last post and said I planned to write something about it. So here goes.<\/p>\n<p>Why write about it? Well, partly because the group (henceforth I\u2019ll call it RBC) has a lot to say about agrarian localism, which is kinda my bag.<\/p>\n<p>Also because RBC invokes influence from various Marxist and post-Marxist frameworks (in their words \u2018critical agrarian studies, legal geography, anti-colonial Marxism, postcolonial studies and world systems theory\u2019). These frameworks have also influenced me, and still do, particularly in trying to get to grips with how we\u2019ve got into the present mess. But less than before, and less as a means for getting out of it. So it interests me to place my waning commitment to such frameworks against a statement of their value.<\/p>\n<p>My primary influences for navigating out of the present mess these days are distributism, civic republicanism, agrarian populism and Thomism, or maybe immanentism \u2026 which not a lot of people have heard of. One reason not a lot of people have heard of them is that we\u2019re so caught up in mainstream modernist politics like neoliberalism and socialism that they get no airtime, which I think is regrettable. My forthcoming book\u00a0<em>Finding Lights in a Dark Age\u00a0<\/em>tries to prepare some ground for these non-modernist and non-socialist but potentially somewhat leftwing-ish positions. So it\u2019s interesting to consider RBC\u2019s intervention, with its more direct modernist-socialist lineage, in that light.<\/p>\n<p>So \u2026 the RBC piece on Substack authored by Adam Calo and Alex Heffron begins by referring to a book called\u00a0<em>Agrarian Dreams<\/em>\u00a0which, they say, \u201ceffectively pumped the breaks (sic) on the vision of a food system grounded in localized organic production\u201d, due to such things as exploitative labour relations and capitalist property regimes in the sector.<\/p>\n<p>The piece continues, \u201cOver a decade later, the popular debate about sustainable food has stubbornly refused to advance beyond a reductionist framing of artisanal localism versus techno-utopian productivism\u201d. This debate, it says, has focused on land use techniques rather than the politics of land. Then it refers to my \u2018debate\u2019 with George Monbiot (the \u2018debate\u2019 that never really was \u2026 though I\u2019m still hoping George will at least recant his erroneous energy figures someday). Calo and Heffron say Monbiot sets up a \u201cbland binary between a romantic view of inefficient niche production via localism versus the \u201cserious\u201d work of feeding the world with the best possible technologies. As if we have to choose between a world of an anachronistic peasantry scratching away in the dirt and a half-earth utopia\u201d.<\/p>\n<p>There\u2019s quite a lot to unpack in all this. Are Calo and Heffron saying that Monbiot and I are in dispute only over techniques? As I see it, Monbiot\u2019s position is intensely \u2013 if often rather implicitly \u2013 focused on the politics of land. His land politics are bad ones in my opinion, which is why I felt the need to challenge him. But there\u2019s no question that our \u2018debate\u2019 is about land politics. It\u2019s also not clear to me whether Calo and Heffron agree with Monbiot that localist production is \u2018inefficient\u2019 or \u2018niche\u2019. If so, that opens a huge can of worms.<\/p>\n<p>But leaving all that aside, the last sentence I quoted (\u2018as if we have to choose\u2026\u2019) is, implicit anti-peasantism apart, indeed pretty much what I\u2019ve been arguing for years. We don\u2019t in principle face a stark choice between the latest techno fads in corporate agriculture or miserable hand-to-mouth agrarian toil. A plethora of other options exists.<\/p>\n<p>I\u2019m less inclined to make this point these days, because the potentially catastrophic crises now knocking on the door threaten to make miserable agrarian toil look almost like a best-case scenario. But in principle, yes agreed, we do not face a bald dualism between \u2018inefficient niche production\u2019 and the \u2018best technologies\u2019 (not that there\u2019s anything \u2018best\u2019 or particularly good about bacterial protein powder and other such corporate wheezes).<\/p>\n<p>There are some further puzzles in Calo and Heffron\u2019s opening gambit. First, anyone who sets themselves up as a commercial food or fibre producer in the Global North, or indeed in much of the Global South, with any pretensions toward ecological integrity and just rewards to labour will inevitably be crushed in the capitalist maw of prices \u2013 food prices, energy prices, land and housing prices, agri-plastic and agri-chemical prices, labour prices, political patronage prices \u2013 which all conspire against them. The whole drift of agroecology is more people doing more work on the land. The whole drift of contemporary capitalism is less people doing less work on the land, with a range of unsustainable inputs substituting for their labour. The problem here is not localized organic production and the people involved in it. The problem is capitalism \u2013 and it\u2019s this structural problem which should surely be front and centre of any critical appraisal of the food system, not a critique of organic farming or agrarian localism.<\/p>\n<p>Most of us who\u2019ve tried our hand at local, agroecological, commercial food production give up sooner or later in the face of its desperate economics and try to decommodify our practices as far as we can \u2013 which, in a broken political economy, often isn\u2019t far. The kind of frameworks I espouse argue that collectively we need to push that decommodification much further. Generally, I find that Marxist-influenced frameworks aren\u2019t really on board with this, evincing instead a fatal attraction to wage labour and commodity production, albeit somehow shorn of their exploitive, capitalist edge. These differing emphases might be an interesting arena for debate.<\/p>\n<p>Another puzzle is the ambiguous language from Calo and Heffron in phrases like \u2018romanticized agrarian localism\u2019 and \u2018idealization of the bucolic farmer\u2019. I agree that romanticized agrarian localism and the idealization of the bucolic farmer are problematic. I advocate instead for non-romanticized agrarian localism and non-idealization of non-bucolic farmers. Are Calo and Heffron arguing these things aren\u2019t possible \u2013 that agrarian localism is inherently romanticised and the kind of farmers localists wish to promote are inherently idealized and bucolic? I\u2019m not sure, but if so it could be interesting to hear why.<\/p>\n<p>(An aside on that front: I\u2019d like to see more discussion of what people understand by the word \u2018romantic\u2019 when they use it pejoratively, and what their understanding of the Romantic intellectual tradition is. In my opinion, while it\u2019s not good to be romantic \u2013 except between consenting adults \u2013 it\u2019s not inherently bad to be Romantic).<\/p>\n<p>But let me move onto the core RBC principles included in Calo and Heffron\u2019s piece. I wouldn\u2019t myself opt for the kind of language the RBC uses in describing them (but, hey, they\u2019re academics, and as an ex-academic I can sympathise). Still, happily, I find myself mostly in agreement with them. Let\u2019s run through the principles briefly. (Note that for the most part I\u2019m just going to paraphrase parts of them and put my own gloss on them \u2013 if you want the full picture verbatim, you\u2019ll have to read them for yourself\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/substack.com\/home\/post\/p-162958328\">here<\/a>. My paraphrases or direct quotes are in normal typeface and my commentary is in italics, by the way).<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>First up, we need radical land reform. (<em>Yes! And, I\u2019d add, specifically land widely distributed to local agrarians, a large group of people that somehow needs to be quickly conjured into existence because\u2026<\/em><\/li>\n<li>We\u2019re in a time of \u2018catastrophic crisis\u2019. (<em>Quite so<\/em>). So we need some bloody action. Fast.<\/li>\n<li>The recent and not so recent history of land use has been one of colonialism, exploitation and expropriation \u2013 in respect of people, and in respect of nature \u2013 and we can only understand this in terms of the links between people, other organisms and materials in different places, including urban ones.\u00a0<em>(Yes, agreed. But I\u2019d add that this colonialism goes down almost unfathomably deep historically and ecologically. Which is why I find it hard to imagine any long-term non-colonial human ecology which is not fundamentally local and largely rural in its orientation and in its engagement with nature. By that token, I think I have to be open to the possibility that ultimately agrarianism itself is a form of unsustainable colonialism. But for now I feel it\u2019s worth making the case for agrarian localism as a better and less colonial option than agro-industrial globalism).<\/em><\/li>\n<li>There are biophysical limits, but let\u2019s not opt for Malthusianism, populationism or engineered asceticism. (<em>I think I\u2019d agree with that, depending on what \u2018engineered asceticism\u2019 means. \u2018Overshoot\u2019 however\u2026 well, I\u2019ll discuss that in another post soon).<\/em><\/li>\n<li>\u2018We consider the transformation of the way we feed and otherwise provision ourselves from the land towards abundance, justice and liberation to be possible\u2019. (<em>I\u2019d substitute \u2018sufficiency\u2019 for \u2018abundance\u2019 and I can\u2019t honestly say whether it\u2019s possible in this time of \u2018catastrophic crisis\u2019 \u2013 but I believe it\u2019s worth aiming for.)<\/em><\/li>\n<li>\u2018This involves political-economic transformation\u2019<em style=\"font-size: inherit;\"> (Yes!)<\/em><\/li>\n<li>\u2018institution building\u2019<em style=\"font-size: inherit;\"> (I\u2019d say culture building more generally, but yes)<\/em><\/li>\n<li><em style=\"font-size: inherit;\">and\u00a0<\/em><span style=\"font-size: inherit;\">\u2018struggle over state power\u2019\u00a0<\/span><em style=\"font-size: inherit;\">(for me, it\u2019s largely struggle\u00a0<strong>against<\/strong> state power, but not entirely, so a probable yes).<\/em><\/li>\n<li>It also involves \u2018abolishing the systems of violence and oppression that constrain our abilities to build a world in common that is not classed, raced, gendered or otherwise structured by oppression\u2019<em style=\"font-size: inherit;\">. (It\u2019s hard to disagree with abolishing systems of violence and oppression \u2013 so yes \u2013 but I find this sentence problematic for reasons I\u2019ll come to. These probably go to the heart of my differences with the RBC project).<\/em><\/li>\n<li>We\u2019re against ecomodernism. (<em style=\"font-size: inherit;\">Great!<\/em><span style=\"font-size: inherit;\">) And we\u2019re committed to unearthing land-based revolutionary histories and traditions that have been buried under narratives of civilisational progress and industrialisation. (<\/span><em style=\"font-size: inherit;\">Also great. Though for my part I\u2019m also committed to unearthing non-revolutionary histories and traditions that have been likewise buried. In fact, I suspect the non-revolutionary ones are more important, and I question the over-emphasis in this kind of politics on revolution (surely only a means to an end \u2013 but what end?) and the implicit idea of revolution as a radical break with the past that supposedly rights its wrongs. Unearthing histories of \u2018survivance\u2019 (as described by Gerald Vizenor \u2013 see below \u2026 I hope to say more about this soon) seems to me more to the point. Unearthing them where people want them to be unearthed, that is \u2013 where they don\u2019t, I\u2019m not really sure what the role of scholarship is. Keeping quiet, I guess. Indeed, it\u2019s worth being aware of how greatly the odds are stacked against both revolutionary and non-revolutionary histories and traditions that don\u2019t emphasise civilisational progress and industrialisation, and how little power most people have in all this. Commitment to a probable lost or at least only partly realisable cause calls for a bit of humour, irony and self-deprecation, which tbh I find a bit lacking in the RBC\u2019s intervention).<\/em><\/li>\n<li>Technologies aren\u2019t just technical, but also always social and political \u2013 so we have choices over them.\u00a0<em style=\"font-size: inherit;\">(Agreed. I\u2019d proceed from there to say that it\u2019s therefore okay to be Romantic, though not romantic, and it\u2019s okay to be Luddite, though not necessarily to go round just smashing things up that we don\u2019t like)<\/em><span style=\"font-size: inherit;\">.<\/span><\/li>\n<li>\u2018We acknowledge the incipient possibility of fascism associated with both techno-optimistic, eco-modernist and regressive, neo-Chayanovian visions of rural life\u2019.\u00a0<em style=\"font-size: inherit;\">(Whoa, hold on a minute! Chayanov, in case you don\u2019t know, was a Russian agricultural economist. Three other things about him: (1) He did detailed empirical studies of Russian peasant economies; (2) He argued \u2013 in the briefest of nutshells \u2013 that Russian peasants were happy to stop working when they\u2019d produced enough for themselves; (3) He was murdered in Stalin\u2019s gulag, partly because these ideas about peasant work regimes weren\u2019t \u2018progressive\u2019 enough to suit Stalin\u2019s version of Marxism. As I see it, t<\/em><em style=\"font-size: inherit;\">here\u2019s plenty of scope for critiquing aspects of Chayanov\u2019s thinking but\u00a0<\/em><span style=\"font-size: inherit;\">\u2018regressive, neo-Chayanovian visions\u2019 \u2026?<\/span><em style=\"font-size: inherit;\">\u00a0Sheesh, can\u2019t we let the dead lie? If you claim a lineage from Marx and want to decry violence and authoritarianism I think you need to tread carefully \u2026 glasshouses, stones, and all that \u2026 and I\u2019d suggest you shouldn\u2019t talk about \u2018regressive\u2019 rural visions. Maybe it\u2019s not Chayanov so much as the \u2018neo-Chayanovs\u2019 who are the RBC\u2019s target? Jan Douwe van der Ploeg\u2019s\u00a0<\/em><span style=\"font-size: inherit;\">Peasants and the Art of Farming: A Chayanovian Manifesto<\/span><em style=\"font-size: inherit;\">\u00a0maybe? In truth, Chayanov influenced a wide range of thinkers under the broad umbrella of agrarian populism \u2013 in addition to Ploeg, for example Teodor Shanin, Paul Richards, James Scott, Robert Netting, Marshall Sahlins, and I\u2019d venture to say Glenn Davis Stone whose excellent book\u00a0<\/em><span style=\"font-size: inherit;\">The Agricultural Dilemma<\/span><em style=\"font-size: inherit;\"> RBC invokes apparently positively. None of them are remotely fascists, not even incipiently. Or are we talking Ringing Cedars? A different kettle of fish, perhaps to be discussed another time, but probably not best analysed through a \u2018regressive\u2019 or \u2018fascist\u2019 lens? Another deferred discussion: in my view, fascism stands alongside authoritarian statist communism and neoliberalism as three unholy and somewhat connected \u2018progressive\u2019 endpoints of modernist politics. For now, I\u2019ll just suggest a simpler and less divisive alternative to this principle: \u2018We acknowledge the incipient possibility of authoritarianism, scapegoating and violence occurring in the name of political philosophies of every kind. We aim to oppose this wherever it occurs\u2019).<\/em><\/li>\n<li>We need to own our own shit\u00a0<em style=\"font-size: inherit;\">(and in particular we need to take responsibility for generating our own livelihoods locally. Agreed)<\/em><span style=\"font-size: inherit;\">.<\/span><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>So \u2026 I have a lot in common with the RBC project, but also some differences. And here, most likely, is another difference: in the\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/adamcalo.substack.com\/p\/the-root-and-branch-collective\/comments\">comments<\/a>\u00a0below the RBC Substack piece \u2013 hi Gunnar, and \u2026 is that you Joel? (thanks\u2026) \u2013 there was an interesting little comment from Adam Calo, \u201cYet, I do think there is a broader blindspot amongst those who associate with a revitalized localism that relates to the ideology of the \u201cgood farmer\u201d and its related structures of the land owning family. I think this is important terrain to struggle with.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>I\u2019m not entirely sure what Adam means about the ideology of the good farmer, but I agree such an ideology is likely to be problematic \u2013 except perhaps in a rather specific sense that I hope to discuss in another post. I do, however, believe that an ideology \u2013 or at least a practice and a tradition \u2013 of good farming, good ecology, and good livelihood-making is essential. The catastrophic crisis that the RBC highlights seems to me to stem largely from their lack.<\/p>\n<p>Things get stickier around the question of \u2018the land-owning family\u2019. Every enduring human ecology I can think of has involved the collective allocation of restricted rights of appropriation to small groups of people evincing structured mutualisms \u2013 or, in plainer English, it\u2019s involved landowning families. More specifically, it\u2019s involved a lot of families, each owning only a little land. For sure, this is set within wider collective relationships (often also involving kinship, or family, albeit not exclusively so) that both constrain and enable family-level organisation. But the landownership bit and the family bit remain important. I\u2019d argue that socialist-leaning attempts to do away with this structuring of local human ecology \u2013 for example, in Russia, in China, in Vietnam, in Israel, in Tanzania, in Nicaragua, by the MST in Brazil, and so on \u2013 generally haven\u2019t worked out too well, and have often caused a lot of misery along the way.<\/p>\n<p>Here, we come to the radical individualism within socialism, which it shares with its capitalist adversary \u2013 each, despite their apparent opposition, different versions of the same modernism and its vaunting of the sovereign individual. The idea that socialism, too, is individualist perhaps runs counter to the collective\/communal vibes accompanying the way it\u2019s normally represented. The clue is in its antipathy to family, religious, localist and other identities that claim people\u2019s collective allegiance and potentially limit their individual self-realisation. In strong versions of socialism, the state or the socialist political community is the only permissible collective allowed to mediate the relationship between effectively disembedded sovereign individuals and collective identity. This is why I think the language in the core principle I mentioned earlier around building \u2018a world in common that is not classed, raced, gendered or otherwise structured by oppression\u2019 is a bit tricksy. Taking, for example, gender or \u2018class\u2019 in its widest sense, such identities clearly have been structured by oppression, and I endorse the need to oppose that. But that\u2019s not the same as abolishing those identities themselves, apparently as something unbecoming of the liberated individual.<\/p>\n<p>A lot of non-modern societies have found subtler ways of accommodating the desire of some people to abolish extant social identities without taking the kind of totalising and authoritarian abolitionist stance characteristic of modernism \u2013 abolish all identities that have ever been structured by oppression or local exclusion to leave purified individuals in relation to a purified state! I disagree. Question them, for sure. Mitigate their negative consequences. Seek to generate alternatives. So yes, I believe Adam is right that the landowning family is important terrain to struggle\u00a0<em>with.\u00a0<\/em>But not necessarily to struggle\u00a0<em>against<\/em>. Here, I think socialism reveals a blindspot of its own in its modernist-individualist tendency to proceed too hastily from the former to the latter.<\/p>\n<p>Tyson Yunkaporta writes, \u201cAboriginal people don\u2019t have to choose between the individual and the collective, left and right, because we are both at once. We are unique individuals with no boss, bound in dense and complex systems of relational obligation\u201d (<em>Right Story, Wrong Story\u00a0<\/em>p.41) \u2026 and a lot of that relational obligation manifests in the form of kinship, or family, and access to knowledge and resources that are not universally shared (i.e. private property). Yet we don\u2019t seem to be able to take this both-and thinking in our stride in modernist society, preferring all-or-nothing dualities. If socialist approaches to agrarianism, or economic life generally, offer non-family and non-landownership models for people who want to live in that way, I\u2019m absolutely supportive. The crunch for me comes if those models are imposed society-wide, under the guise of fairness or some other criterion which does not adequately justify such a totalising position. In that case, I\u2019m opposed. Given how far away we are from such socialist scenarios currently in a country like Britain, perhaps it\u2019s a bit academic. But I do think it\u2019s worth considering and learning from the models and the mistakes of the past.<\/p>\n<p>In summary, the kind of distributist and agrarian populist or localist approaches that influence me have a lot in common with the RBC approach \u2013 much more in common, I think, than each of them has with mainstream political positions. But there are some points of difference. While strongly socialist approaches are more radical in means than my position (revolutionary politics, family abolition etc.), I think they\u2019re usually less radical, less root and branch, in their ends (dallying with statism, colonial extractivism, the self-creation of the modernist individual etc).<\/p>\n<p>These differences could make for an interesting debate, but I\u2019m probably not going to debate them. I\u2019ve had some good and friendly interactions with people espousing more straightforwardly Marxist\/modernist positions than me. But also some bad and unfriendly ones, and life\u2019s too short for that. Still, we need some radical change for sure, so \u2013 caveats above excepted \u2013 I wish RBC well in trying to effect it.<\/p>\n<p>Current reading: Gerald Vizenor (ed)\u00a0<em>Survivance: Narratives of Native Presence<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>My primary influences for navigating out of the present mess these days are distributism, civic republicanism, agrarian populism and Thomism, or maybe immanentism \u2026 which not a lot of people have heard of. One reason not a lot of people have heard of them is that we\u2019re so caught up in mainstream modernist politics like neoliberalism and socialism that they get no airtime, which I think is regrettable.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":128238,"featured_media":3513545,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[79719,213531,79720],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-3513511","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-foodwater","category-food-water-featured","category-society"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.resilience.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3513511","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.resilience.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.resilience.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.resilience.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/128238"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.resilience.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=3513511"}],"version-history":[{"count":5,"href":"https:\/\/www.resilience.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3513511\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":3513546,"href":"https:\/\/www.resilience.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/3513511\/revisions\/3513546"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.resilience.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/3513545"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.resilience.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3513511"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.resilience.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=3513511"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.resilience.org\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=3513511"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}